The ROC government outlines its policy on establishing a democratic, free, and equitably prosperous China.
In March 1991, the ROC government formally issued a document outlining its short-term, intermediate, and long-term policy toward the unification of China. Called "Guidelines for National Unification, " the document avows that both Taiwan and the mainland are parts of Chinese territory, and that the two sides of the Taiwan Straits should eventually establish a "democratic, free, and equitably prosperous China."
The Free China Review invited three professors to discuss this important policy document during a seminar held on July 9, 1991. The participants were: Dr. Chao Chun-shan (趙春山), Deputy Director, Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University; Dr. Ming Chu-cheng (明居正), Deputy Secretary-General, China Unification Alliance; and Dr. Chao Ling-ling (趙玲玲), professor, Institute of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Doctrine, National Taiwan Normal University. The seminar was chaired by Dr. Jiang Ping-lun (江炳倫), editor-in-chief of the Free China Review.
Chao Chun-shan: This is the first time in the past forty-odd years for Taiwan to declare its intention of national unification through an official document. On the island, there are still conflicts over the issues of unification and independence, disputes among people from different native places, and crises over national identification and the legitimacy of the government. Under the circumstances, it's not easy to issue such a document.
Despite our past mainland policies, people think that it was not until the relaxation of the ban on visits to mainland relatives in 1987 that the government started to seriously consider its mainland policy. But people were still confused about it. The "Guidelines for National Unification," compared with other government statements, is clearer and should help people understand the policy. It's no doubt an acceptable document, although not fully satisfactory.
Before answering the question whether the guidelines are supported by people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits, one must first ask if the document is really understood. On the mainland, people can only hear about it indirectly, since the media is controlled by the mainland authorities. As a result, we are not sure how many on the mainland know about the guidelines. Here in Taiwan, the media continues to report them, yet most people don't seem to understand either their content or their spirit.
I think the goal and principles of the guidelines should be able to get support from people on both sides of the Straits. The goal of peaceful unification of the nation is definitely acceptable. As for the principles, they acknowledge reality - a great breakthrough for us - and emphasize parity, reciprocity, and a gradual approach to unification.
The issue is whether the three phases delineated in the guidelines are reasonable and practicable. The Chinese communists think that the foundation and consensus of China's unification can be brought about only after mutual communication and exchanges. Taiwan argues that exchanges can only be undertaken after mutual trust is built up. It insists on the stand because it does not have confidence in the mainland communists. In effect, it is not sure if the communists will actually renounce the use of military force against Taiwan, even if they promise to do so. But if they say that they will not invade, people here would at least feel better.
To a great extent, Taiwan's mainland policy is influenced by its internal affairs. There is no way to have good mainland or foreign policies without internal integration and consensus. But unfortunately, most of the time Taiwan's internal affairs hold back rather than support the development of a mainland policy. Another problem is that Taiwan doesn't understand the communists well enough. The question is, how much do the decision-makers themselves know about the mainland, and has the government made any efforts to educate the people about the mainland?
Taiwan also lacks a viable strategy against the communists. I think that the best strategy now is to maintain the status quo, and just muddle through. There is no other alternative.
The communists have a flexible strategy. Their long-term goal is peaceful unification, and their strategy is their policy of "one country, two systems." For example, the communists used to place great hopes on the Taiwan authorities. But now they place even greater hopes on the people here, because Taiwan is becoming pluralistic. In other words, the communists are just letting people at the bottom push the officials at the top. We're obviously at a disadvantage, and therefore it's not yet time for direct talks. Under the circumstances, Taiwan will lose as soon as it sits down to talk with the communists.
Nevertheless, the communists overlook reality on purpose. I don't think highly of their so-called "one country, two systems" policy. Taiwan should study other divided countries, and observe their transition from separation to unification, and note how the two sides interact with each other. To normalize the relationship, both sides need to acknowledge reality and determine their common interests in the international community. Many international activities don't involve the legitimacy issue, and neither side should play tricks on the other.
Many people think that the peaceful unification of China is impossible right now. I agree. For the present, there is too great a difference between the two sides. A key point presented in the guidelines is to gradually move toward unification. But China must someday be unified under the principle of peace, and I don't rule out unification through holding talks. But the time for this has not yet arrived. The most important thing now for Taiwan is to concentrate on improving democracy and its internal affairs.
There is reliable restricted material showing that the guidelines have had an effect inside the Chinese Communist Party. According to this source, Teng Hsiao-ping asked his cadre not to be confused by the guidelines and to keep steady. The problem is whether the document can be implemented. If not, it is only propaganda.
Ming Chu-cheng: Frankly speaking, a lot of the people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits don't know much about the guidelines. In late May, I led a group of professors to five European countries for a series of discussions with students from the mainland, Taiwan, and with the Chinese residents there. The topics we discussed included the current situation in Taiwan and the mainland, various exchanges between the two sides, and matters concerning Chinese unification. What struck me most was that many of them were not aware of the content of the "Guidelines for National Unification" initiated by our government. After we passed out pamphlets to the people who came to the meetings, most of them said that they could accept what was stated in the guidelines, although they still had some doubts and questions.
This indicates that our government has not worked hard enough to promote our unification policy. So how can we expect support from people on the mainland? Also, a local newspaper survey recently revealed that many people in Taiwan don't know what the guidelines are. That's why about a dozen seminars have been held lately to explain them.
To the Peking authorities, the announcement of the guidelines by the ROC government means that Taiwan has expressed clearly its intention of unification. Furthermore, the ROC government has taken some concrete steps in this respect, including the establishment of the Mainland Affairs Council. All this has corrected the misperception of the Communist Chinese regime, which not long ago thought that Taiwan would become more and more "Taiwanized" and would eventually become independent.
But the Peking leadership is still officially against the guidelines, because they think the proposed steps toward unification are a part of an overall peaceful evolution project planned by the ROC government. Communists believe that "peaceful evolution" actually means an evolution through Western economic, cultural, and educational influences, whereby a socialist society is turned into a capitalist one.
As a maner of fact, Taiwan is a good example of peaceful evolution. Over the past four decades, our leaders have been aware of this truth. That is, when pressures from below emerge, those on top have to be willing to respond and make adjustments and corrections. Examples of this also include South Korea, the Philippines, and Singapore.
Then what's the actual relationship between the guidelines and peaceful evolution? Simply stated, the guidelines are intended to help the mainland through peaceful evolution. In other words, through the efforts of the people in Taiwan, mainland China will hopefully become democratic. And from a selfish point of view, we will benefit if the mainland undergoes peaceful evolution.
I agree with Professor Chao that for both Taiwan and mainland China, the best strategy is maintaining the status quo for a certain period of time. And I must also point out that we should further stabilize the current situation by systematizing the separation between the two sides of the Taiwan Straits. In the past, such a separation existed in a very tense and unnatural atmosphere. Now, with the rapid changes taking place on both sides of the Straits, it's even more important that we stabilize the situation.
Over the past forty years, the mainland regime has been challenged by internal changes and problems, and it has not had enough energy to bother with Taiwan. During the same period of time, the ROC government has been unable to return to the mainland, so we have put our whole strength into economic development. In a way, each side closed its door and turned inside itself to solve its own problems.
Concerning the guidelines, the Chinese communists dislike the concept of reciprocity. They insist that they are much bigger than Taiwan in terms of area and population. We must let them know that in order to reach the goal of unification smoothly, they have to accept reciprocity.
The guidelines have a very unique feature. They stress "one country, one system" instead of the "one country, two systems" advocated by the Peking regime. "One country, one system" stresses freedom, democracy, and equal distribution of wealth, and is designed to be carried out through several stages. No doubt this is a bener system for both sides of the Taiwan Straits. "Two systems" can only work during a transitional period, not for the long term.
Chao Ling-ling: The significance of the guidelines varies with the background and way of thinking of each individual. For example, people working for our government agencies deeply believe that by following the process stipulated in the guidelines, the ROC will eventually unify China. But members of the opposition parties think that in the long run Taiwan will be controlled by the mainland. In addition, the general public doesn't even understand the details and overall meaning of the document. As a result, when talking about the guidelines, I suggest playing down their political meaning. Instead, we should focus on cultural, religious, and economic exchanges.
In an open letter to the mainland's State Education Commission, Chiang Tse-min, the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, pointed out that the aim of national education should concentrate on three points: more education in modern Chinese history, strengthening education on national affairs, and the unification of the Chinese language and characters. Through these instructions, we see that mainland China is actively undertaking the integration of its culture.
On the contrary, in Taiwan the idea of "neo-nationalism," which advocates the independence of Taiwan and its culture, is gaining strength. This can result in cultural alienation on both sides of the Straits. Consequently, I believe that unless we reach a general consensus about the goal of our national development, and solve the Taiwan independence crisis, we can't proceed with cultural exchanges across the Straits.
The frequent exchanges in the areas of religion and economics between Taiwan and mainland China are quite successful. For example, many people from Taiwan have made pilgrimages to famous temples on the mainland. And in terms of economic contacts, Taiwan can make full use of the mainland's abundant natural and human resources, while mainland China can learn from Taiwan's technological expertise.
Concerning the value of the guidelines, they clearly indicate the ROC's goal of national reconstruction, and they clear up the confusion about the government's stance on the issues of China's unification and Taiwan independence. But much effort must be made before the value of the guidelines can be fully realized. First, we have to explain their meaning to people not only in Taiwan but also in mainland China. Because the more people understand them, the more they will support them. Besides, we should also help overseas Chinese appreciate the significance of the guidelines so that they will not oppose them. In general, there are many things to be done to maximize the effect of the guidelines.
GUIDELINES FOR NATIONAL UNIFICATION
Adopted by the National Unification Council on February 23, 1991, and by the Executive Yuan Council (Cabinet) on March 14, 1991.
FOREWORD
The unification of China is meant to bring about a strong and prosperous nation with a long-lastng. bright future for its people; it is the common wish of Chinese people at home and abroad. After an appropriate period of forthright exchange, cooperation, and consultation conducted under the principles of reason, peace, parity, and reciprocity, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits should foster a consensus of democracy, freedom, and equal prosperity, and together budd anew a unified China. Based on this understandlng. these guidelines have been specially formulated with the express hope that all Chinese throughout the world will work with one mind toward their fulfillment.
GOAL
To establish a democratic, free, and equitably prosperous China.
PRINCIPLES
• Both the mainland and Taiwan areas are parts of Chinese territory. Helping to bring about national unification should be the common responsibility of all Chinese people.
• The unlficallon of China should be for the welfare of all its people and not be subject to partisan conflict.
• Chlna's unification should aim at promoting Chinese culture, safeguarding human dignity, guaranteeing fundamental human rights, and practicing democracy and the rule of law.
• The timing and manner of China's unification should first respect the rights and interests of the people in the Taiwan area, and protect their security and welfare. It should be achieved in gradual phases under the principles of reason, peace, parity, and reciprocity.
PROCESS
Short term: a phase of exchanges and reciprocity.
• To enhance understanding through exchanges between the two sides of the Straits and eliminate hostility through reciprocity; and to establish a mutually benign relationship by not endangering each other's security and stability while in the midst of exchanges, and not denying the other's existence as a political entity while in the midst of effecting reciprocity.
• To set up an order for exchanges across the Straits, to draw up regulations for such exchanges, and to establish intermediary organizations so as to protect people's rights and interests on both sides of the Straitd; to gradually ease various restrictions and expand people-to-people contacts so as to promote the social prosperity of both sides.
• In order to improve the people's welfare on both sides of the Straits with the ultimate objective of unifying the nation, in the mainland area economic reform should be carried out forthrightly, the expression of public opinion there should gradually be allowed, and both democracy and the rule of law should be implemented; while in the Taiwan area efforts should be made to accelerate constitutional reform and promote national development to establish a society of equitable prosperity.
• The two sides of the Straits should end the state of hostility and, under the principle of one China, solve all disputes through peaceful means, and furthermore respect - not reject - each other in the internallonal community, so as to move toward a phase of mutual trust and cooperation.
Medium term: a phase of mutual trust and cooperation.
• Both sides of the Straits should establish official communication channels on equal footing.
• Direct postal, transport, and commercial links should be allowed, and both sides should jointly develop the southeastern coastal area of the Chinese mainland and then gradually extend this development to other areas of the mainland in order to narrow the gap in living standards between the two sides.
• Both sides of the Straits should work together and assist each other in taking part in international organizations and activities.
• Mutual visits by high-ranking officials on both sides should be promoted to create favorable conditions for consultation and unification.
Long term: a phase of consultation and unification.
• A consultative organization for unification should be established through which both sides, in accordance with the will of the people in both the mainland and Taiwan areas, and while adhering to the goals of democracy, economic freedom, social justice, and nationalization of the armed forces, jointly discuss the grand task of unification and map out a constitutional system to establish a democratic, free, and equitably prosperous China.